CHAPTER V

THE HIERARCHY

Nehemiah was the last civil governor of whom we have any record. Malachi refers to a nameless governor, or viceroy, and since Malachi was probably a contemporary of Nehemiah we may assume Nehemiah was the viceroy referred to.

 

Between the death of Nehemiah and the advent of Alexander the Great little is known of the Jewish [sic Judaean] State. The mild regime of the Persian overlords resulted in political peace for Judea. When secular history takes up their story the Jews [sic Judaeans] emerge as a pure hierarchy. There is no longer a civil governor. The high-priest appears as the head of the State. When this change took place we have no means of knowing. It may have been a rebound from the strong rule of Nehemiah, but more probably it was a gradual change due to neglect of the Temple by the rank and file in the way reflected in the writings of Malachi, for priestcraft flourishes when the people are indifferent to the claims of religion.

 

With the rise of Alexander the Great the affairs of the Jewish [sic Judaean] nation underwent a change. History began to be made and written. Political storms were to break over the once placid surface of the Jewish [sic Judaean] national life and the puny state found itself the sport of chance and the butt of contending rival powers. Alexander himself proved to be, on the whole, a generous enemy. While besieging Tyre about 332 B.C. he sent a demand to Jerusalem for supplies for his army and, assuming the role of conqueror, gave instructions for the tribute, formerly paid to Darius III; to be sent in future to himself. Jaddua the high-priest sent a reply which did credit to himself and the people. A little later, the Macedonian took Jerusalem

 

 

under circumstances that still have interest for the student of the times.

 

When Alexander had taken Gaza he turned his attention to Jerusalem. The news of his invasion of Syria had already reached the holy city, and the high-priest was alarmed at the prospect of an attack on Jerusalem. In a dream, he was warned to take courage, to adorn the city, and to open the gates to the invader. He and the priests were directed to appear in their official robes, while their attendants were to present themselves in white garments. When news of Alexander’s approach reached the city, Juddua and his court went out to meet and greet the invader. The attendants were clad in white, the priests in fine linen, while, as high-priest, Juddua appeared in purple and scarlet, wearing the mitre and the golden plate inscribed with the sacred name. Such a spectacle impressed Alexander. He advanced alone, saluted Juddua, and adored the holy name. The Jews [sic Judaeans] saluted and welcomed him. When Parmenio, one of his attendants, asked why Alexander the adored of all should himself pay reverence to the high-priest of the Jews [sic Judaeans], Alexander replied: “I did not adore him, but that God who hath honoured him with his high-priesthood; for I saw this very person in a dream, in this very habit, when I was at Dios in Macedonia, who ... exhorted me to ... pass over the sea ... for that he would conduct my army, and would give me the dominion over the Persians ... I believe that I bring this army under the Divine conduct ... and that all things will succeed according to what is in my own mind.” ¹ Alexander gave the high-priest his right hand and came into the city with the priest running beside him. Proceeding to the Temple, Alexander “offered sacrifice to God, according to the

 

   ¹ Josephus, Antiq. xi, 8, 5.

 

 

high-priest’s direction, and magnificently treated the high-priest and the priests.” Despite the doubts expressed ¹ about the trustworthiness of this story it is in keeping with the character and habits of Alexander. It was the policy of Alexander to blend East and West and to assimilate the various nations into one great whole. Moreover, it was his habit to worship his gods with a frequency that did credit to his finer instincts. Plutarch writes of him: “On his days of leisure, as soon as he was risen, he sacrificed to his gods.” ² In the light of this custom there is nothing improbable in the story of his worshipping in the Temple at Jerusalem.

 

Much to his delight, he was shown Daniel’s prophecy to the effect that a Greek king would arise to overthrow the Persian empire. ³ Believing himself to be the king referred to, he assumed the role of benevolent conqueror and lavished his favours upon the Jews [sic Judaeans]. He granted them the right to observe the laws of their forefathers, and remitted the tribute in the sabbatical year.

 

After the death of Alexander in 323 B.C. his empire was dissolved, and there began that scramble by his generals for place and power in which the Jews [sic Judaeans] were to suffer so much. Laodemon took possession of Syria, which included Judea, but was soon challenged in his possession by Ptolemy Soter (saviour), who was installed as Satrap of Egypt. Ptolemy attempted to seize the whole of Syria. In 321 he advanced against Jerusalem and took it by adroit, not to say contemptible, methods. Taking advantage of the Sabbath, rightly assuming the Jews [sic Judaeans] would offer no resistance on that day, and giving the impression that he came to offer sacrifice, Ptolemy found easy ingress to the city. “The

 

¹ Milman, History of the Jews, Vol. I, p. 352.

² Life of Alexander the Great.

³ Daniel viii, 7.

 

 

conqueror carried away 100,000 captives, whom he settled chiefly in Alexandria and Cyrene,” says Milman, ¹ though he thinks the number, which is given on the authority of Aristeas, may be open to question. Thus began what was to be a long, tragic chapter in the history of the Seventy Weeks Nation.

 

But strange are the ways of Providence! The deportation of these Jews [sic Judaeans] to Alexandria led indirectly to the issue of the Septuagint, that is, the Greek version of the Old Testament scriptures. A full account of the steps leading up to this may be read in Josephus, Antiq. xii, 2. During the reign of Ptolemy Philadelphus, 285-247 B.C., Demetrius Phalerius, the royal librarian, advised the king to procure the Hebrew laws “as being the legislation of God” and have translations made by competent scholars. Appeal was made to Eleazer, the high-priest in Jerusalem, to send scholars capable of making the translation. It was a costly undertaking. Just how costly is difficult to determine, for Josephus does not specify whether the talents were of gold or silver. Hadyn’s Dictionary of Dates observes: “Septuagint Version of the Bible, made from Hebrew into Greek, 277 B.C. Seventy-two translators were shut up in thirty-six cells; each pair translated the whole; and on subsequent comparison the thirty-six copies did not vary by a word or letter. Justin Martyr. St. Jerome affirms that they translated only the Pentateuch; others say they translated the whole. Ptolemy Philadelphus gave the Jews about a million sterling for a copy of the Old Testament, and seventy translators half a million more for the translation. Josephus. Finished in seventy-two days. Hewlett. The above statements are merely traditional.” Whatever difficulty there may be in accepting all the traditions, the fact remains that the Greek Version was made

 

¹ History of the Jews, Vol. I, p. 353.

 

 

and is still in use. By its issue the wider world became acquainted with the holy law and was in a position to share in the glorious hope of a coming Messiah.

 

From 321 B.C. to 198 B.C. Egypt was the nominal master of Judea, but not without challenge from Syria. Judea was the bridge between those rival powers, and its geographical position exposed it to the terrors of border conflicts. The rise of the Seleucids in 312 B.C. added energy and ability to the leaders of the Syrian forces. Antiochus the Great, the outstanding genius of the Seleucids, determined to wrest Phoenicia, Coelosyria and Judea from Egypt, and, as usual, the Jewish [sic Judaean] State suffered in the conflict. In 219 B.C. Antiochus overran Judea, which leads Josephus to observe: “Now it happened that in the reign of Antiochus the Great, who ruled over all Asia, that the Jews ... suffered greatly, and their land was surely harassed.” ¹ Ptolemy accepted the challenge. Two years later he drove the Syrians from Judea. The rival forces met at Raphia, near Gaza, ²  when Antiochus suffered a crushing defeat.

 

In the exuberance of victory Ptolemy Philopator went to Jerusalem and made costly presents to the Temple. Not content with this, he essayed to enter the Holy of Holies. Simon the high-priest protested, but Ptolemy was persistent. A wild tumult of wailing and shrieking arose from the people, which appears to have been taken as a supernatural intervention to prevent the attempted sacrilege. Stricken with awe and fright, Ptolemy shook with agitation, and then fell speechless to the ground. Later he conceived an implacable hatred of the Jewish [sic Judaean] people, and a great massacre of Jews [sic Judahites] in Alexandria ensued, the first for some two hundred years.

 

¹ Antig. xii, 3, 3.

² “Next to Gaza is Raphia, where a battle was fought between Ptolemy the Fourth and Antiochus the Great” (Strabo xvi, ii, 31).

 

 

The death of Ptolemy Philopator in 205 B.C. opened a fresh chapter of sorrow for the Jews [sic Judaeans]. The heir to the Egyptian throne was Ptolemy V (Epiphanes), a child of five. ^l                        This circumstance lent itself to Antiochus for his schemes of revenge. He formed a league with Philip V of Macedon, ostensibly for the support and protection of Egypt, but really with designs on the territory of the infant king. Philip “acquired confidence from a treaty which he had formed with Antiochus, king of Syria, in which they had divided the wealth of Egypt between them; in which, on hearing of the death of Ptolemy, they were both intent.” ² The Egyptian forces were led by Scopas, at whose hands the Jews [sic Judaeans] suffered severely. After a fierce conflict at Paneion Antiochus gained possession of Judea in 198 B.C. So great had been the sufferings of the Jews [sic Judaeans] through the invasion of Scopas that they welcomed Antiochus as a deliverer. Doubtless with a desire to attach the people of his newly acquired province to his person, Antiochus remitted their taxes for three years, granted them a “pension” and gifts in kind for the Temple offerings, and closed the sacred precincts to all foreigners. ³

 

The same year saw a change in the high-priesthood. Onias III (I98-I7I B.C.) succeeded his father, Simon II. Some four years later a marriage was arranged between Cleopatra, daughter of Antiochus, and Ptolemy V (Epiphanes) when Antiochus ceded the conquered provinces to Ptolemy as part of his daughter’s dowry, though the revenue was to be shared by the two kings. Ten years later Antiochus was allowed to resume possession by his Treaty with Rome, which stipulated that he must “Resign all

 

¹ The Rosetta stone, the foundation of modern knowledge of Egyptian writing, contains his coronation decree.

² Livy xxxi, 14.                      ³ Antiq. xii, 3, 3.

 

 

pretensions in Europe and cede that part of Asia which lies on this side of Mount Taurus.” ¹ The following year Antiochus the Great died and was succeeded by his son Seleucus IV (Philopator, 187-175 B.C.).

 

Seleucus began by treating the Jews [sic Judaeans] with generous favours, “Insomuch that Seleucus king of Asia of his own revenues bare all the costs belonging to the services of the sacrifices” ²; but his reign was to witness those convulsions which proved disastrous to the Jewish [sic Judaean] State. While Josephus makes no mention of the Heliodorus incident, the full and circumstantial account in 2 Maccabees iii ff. so fitly explains subsequent events that there seems no sufficient ground for doubting its authenticity. The peace of the city was disturbed by a personal feud between Onias the high-priest and Simon the governor of the Temple. Onias had allowed Hyrcanus, “a man of great dignity,” to deposit his wealth in the Temple for safe keeping. Simon betrayed the secret to Apollonius, governor of Coelosyria, and enlarged on “the infinite sums of money” lodged in the Temple, “and that it was possible to bring all into the king’s hands.” The news was duly reported to Seleucus, whose cupidity was aroused. He sent Heliodorus to collect the treasure, but through divine intervention the intended robbery was prevented.

 

Thence arose one of those bitter feuds which, from time to time, wrought havoc in the Jewish [sic Judaean] State. “This Simon now, of whom we spake afore, having been a betrayer of the money, and of his country, slandered Onias, as if he had terrified Heliodorus, and been worker of these evils.”  Each had his partisans. The realm was torn by faction, with dire results for the State. Onias “went to the king, not to be an accuser of his countrymen, but

 

¹ Livy xxxvii, 45.                 ² 2 Maccabees iii, 3.

 

 

seeking the good of all, both public and private,” but the quarrel outlasted Seleucus.

 

With the rise of Antiochus Epiphanes (175-164 B.C.) Jason plotted to obtain the high-priesthood for himself by bribing the new king. Though brother of the high-priest, ties of blood did not prevent his intrigue. He offered a large sum for the mitre. He flattered his royal master by outlining a programme “for training up the youth in the fashions of the heathen, and to write them of Jerusalem by the name of Antiochans.” The plan was approved. Onias was dethroned. The renegade, whose real name was Jeshua, or Joshua, adopted the Greek name of Jason and proceeded to hellenise the life of the nation. Greek fashions, even hats, were adopted; Greek games, including the discus, were introduced.       The distinctive marks of Israel were suppressed.

 

Three years later Menelaus, Simon’s brother, out-Jasoned Jason by offering an increase of three hundred talents of silver for the mitre. “Then Jason, who had undermined his own brother, being undermined by another, was compelled to flee into the country of the Ammonites. So Menelaus got the principality.” The powder line was laid. In 172 B.C., Onias was murdered. In 168 Antiochus took Jerusalem, plundered and defiled the Temple, and slew 40,000 persons. In 163 Menelaus was himself slain and Alcimus became high-priest of the ruined State.

 

Not content with this orgy of crime and slaughter, Antiochus resolved on the suppression of the Jewish [sic Judaean] religion and, probably, also of the Jewish [sic Judaean] State. He had earned the nickname “madman.” He certainly behaved like one. He resolved to hellenise all the countries of his realm. He issued an edict for uniformity of worship throughout his dominions, and

 

 

commissioned “an old man of Athens” to give effect to his will in Samaria and Judea. The Samaritans submitted without resistance, and their temple on Mount Gerizim was dedicated to Zeus Zenius. Athenius began his work in Judea by converting the Temple into a shrine of Zeus Olympias. The sacred courts were turned into arenas for obscene revels of the most shameful order, “Neither was it lawful for a man to keep sabbath days or ancient feasts, or to profess himself at all to be a Jew [sic Judaean].” Two mothers whose children had been circumcised were led through the city with their babes at their breasts and thereafter were hurled from the city walls to destruction. A company of the faithful were burnt in a cave where they had sought refuge.

 

The great test of conformity was the eating of swine’s flesh. This was forced upon the people. The aged Eleazar, one of the principal scribes, spat the offending food from his mouth and, when urged by his friends to pretend, he uttered the noble words which breathe the spirit of the martyr: “It becometh not our age in any way to dissemble, whereby many young persons might think that Eleazar, being fourscore years old and ten, were now gone to a strange religion; and so they, through mine hypocrisy, and a desire to live a little time and a moment longer, should be deceived by me, and I get a stain to mine old age, and make it abominable. For though for the present time I should be delivered from the punishment of men: yet should I not escape the hand of the Almighty, neither alive, nor dead.” In one day seven noble sons of one noble mother allowed themselves to be horribly mutilated in succession “rather than transgress the laws of our fathers.” When urged to counsel her last remaining son to recant and live, the noble matron besought him to stand firm and die. “Fear not this tormentor,

 

 

but, being worthy of thy brethren, take thy death, that I may receive thee again in mercy with thy brethren.” “So this man died undefiled, and put his whole trust in the Lord. Last of all after the sons the mother died.” ¹ The career of Antiochus ended some four years later in circumstances that friend and foe alike regarded as divine retribution. “The Lord Almighty, the God of Israel, smote him with an incurable disease.” “And thus he that a little afore thought that he might command the waves of the sea ... and weigh the high mountains in a balance ... was carried in an horselitter ... so that the worms rose up out of the body of this wicked man, and whiles he lived in sorrow and pain, his flesh fell away, and the filthiness of his smell was noisome to all his army.” ² With the hand of death gripping his throat, he had the effrontery to send a letter to the Jews [sic Judaeans] in which he asked them “to remember the benefits I have done unto you generally, and in special, and that every man will still be faithful to me and my son.” “Thus the murderer and blasphemer having suffered most grievously, as he entreated other men, so died a miserable death in a strange country in the mountains.” ³ So passed one of the most diabolical characters of whom we have record. “He died in the course of his return at Tabae, in Persia, driven mad, as some say, by some manifestations of divine wrath.” ⁴ He shares with Nero and Herod the distinction and the odium of being the most detestable monarch whose record besmirches the pages of history.

 

In the dark record of this hideous time there stands out in contrast the heroism and fortitude of the persecuted Jews [sic Judaeans]. We may reasonably suppose that the writer of the Epistle to the Hebrews had

 

¹ For a full account, see 2 Maccabees vi, vii.         ² Ibid. ix, 9.

³ Ibid. ix, 35.          ⁴ Polybius xxxi, 11.

 

 

those heroes and heroines in mind when he penned the closing verses of chapter xi. With epic fortitude “They met the tyrant’s brandished steel.” But four years before the death of the execrable Antiochus their endurance had reached the breaking-point. Led by the noble Mattathias and his sons, the people fled to arms in defence of their religion and their independence, and bequeathed to posterity a thrilling chapter in the annals of enterprise, endurance and martial skill.

 margin-top: 0in; margin-right: .25in; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-left: .25in; text-align: justify; line-height: 50%